Understanding Eritrea’s Electoral System and Structure (1900–2025): A Historical and Political-Dr. Raju Ahmed Dipu

Eritrea, located in the Horn of Africa, presents a unique case in electoral history, not least due to its turbulent colonial past, liberation struggle, and post-independence political evolution. Between 1900 and 2025, the country transitioned from colonial administration to independence, yet never fully implemented a functioning national electoral system for its central government. This article explores the nature of Eritrea’s electoral structure across key periods: colonial rule, federation with Ethiopia, independence, and post-liberation governance.

Colonial Period (1900–1952): Italian and British Rule

From the early 20th century until the Second World War, Eritrea was an Italian colony. During this period, no democratic electoral structures were implemented for native Eritreans. The colonial administration operated under authoritarian rule, with governance dictated from Rome. Italians residing in Eritrea had limited municipal voting rights, but the native population remained politically disenfranchised.

Following Italy’s defeat in WWII, Eritrea came under British Military Administration (1941–1952). The British allowed limited political activity and the emergence of local political parties. During this period, a form of proto-electoral politics emerged, leading to the establishment of a local assembly. In 1952, under a United Nations resolution, Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia. The transitional political framework briefly introduced local elections under a majoritarian representative system, though largely informal and supervised by British and UN authorities.

Federation and Annexation by Ethiopia (1952–1991)

Eritrea’s brief federal status with Ethiopia (1952–1962) permitted the formation of an Eritrean Assembly. The Assembly was elected indirectly, with local representatives selected by community leaders, using a non-party, indirect majoritarian system. However, this autonomy was swiftly eroded. In 1962, Ethiopia annexed Eritrea, abolishing the federation and banning independent political institutions. Eritrean representation became nominal under the centralised imperial and later Derg regimes in Ethiopia. No genuine electoral mechanisms specific to Eritrea functioned during this period, sparking the armed liberation struggle.

Post-Independence Era (1993–2025): One-Party Dominance Without National Elections

Eritrea gained de facto independence in 1991 and formal independence in 1993 following a UN-supervised referendum, which was arguably the country’s only fully transparent electoral process. The vote saw a near-unanimous support for sovereignty, with a single-question referendum and overwhelming turnout. This was conducted through a universal suffrage vote with simple majority rules—though under the complete control of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF).

After independence, the EPLF transformed into the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), Eritrea’s sole legal political party. Although a constitution was ratified in 1997 guaranteeing multi-party democracy, it was never implemented. Plans for national elections have been repeatedly postponed due to ongoing border conflicts and internal political constraints.

At the local level, the government has conducted regional and municipal elections intermittently. These elections are organised under a non-party, candidate-based majoritarian system, where only individuals—not parties—can contest, and all candidates must be approved by the PFDJ. The elections use a first-past-the-post (FPTP) system in single-member districts, although independent campaigning is severely restricted.

Electoral Structure Summary (1900–2025)

Between 1900 and 2025, Eritrea has technically only held one genuine national vote—the 1993 independence referendum. Despite promises of democratic development, the electoral system remains undeveloped at the national level. The country operates under de facto authoritarian rule, with limited local elections conducted under majoritarian, non-partisan systems. As of 2025, Eritrea remains one of the few nations in the world to have never held national legislative or presidential elections post-independence, highlighting the deep gap between constitutional promise and political reality.

When Did Eritrea Transition to a Multi-Party or Democratic Electoral System?

Despite gaining independence in 1993 after a brutal 30-year war with Ethiopia, Eritrea has never truly transitioned to a multi-party or democratic electoral system in the conventional sense. Unlike other post-conflict states that attempted democratic institution-building in the 1990s, Eritrea adopted a highly centralised, one-party governance structure which remains in place to this day.

Early Hopes: The 1993 Referendum

Following de facto independence in 1991 and a UN-supervised referendum in April 1993—where 99.8% of Eritreans voted for independence—there were hopes that the new nation would embrace democratic reforms. The People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), the political wing of the former liberation movement (EPLF), established itself as the sole legal party.

The 1997 Constitution: A Promise Unfulfilled

In 1997, Eritrea drafted a new constitution which formally outlined multi-party democracy, civil liberties, and regular elections. The document was ratified but never implemented. Promised national elections, initially scheduled for 2001, were repeatedly postponed.

2001 Crackdown: End of Political Pluralism

Hopes for democratic transition were extinguished after the 2001 political crackdown, when a group of senior PFDJ members (known as the G-15), who had called for constitutional government and elections, were arrested. Independent media outlets were shut down, dissent was criminalised, and Eritrea effectively became a single-party authoritarian state under President Isaias Afwerki.

Current System: De Jure vs De Facto

While Eritrea remains constitutionally committed to multi-party democracy, the de facto reality is starkly different. The PFDJ is the only legal political party. No national elections have ever been held, and there is no functioning opposition, either in parliament or the public sphere. The National Assembly, established in the 1990s, has not convened in over two decades.

International Perspective

Numerous international organisations, including Freedom House and The Economist Intelligence Unit, consistently rank Eritrea as one of the most repressive political systems in the world. It is routinely cited for human rights violations, indefinite military conscription, and the absence of judicial and electoral accountability.

In short, Eritrea has never transitioned to a multi-party or democratic electoral system. Despite constitutional aspirations in the 1990s, the regime has systematically blocked all democratic development. The country remains a closed, authoritarian state, with a single-party rule and no scheduled pathway to elections or political liberalisation.

Eritrea: National Election Results and Political Outcomes (1900–2025)

Eritrea’s political landscape has been uniquely shaped by colonial legacies, prolonged armed struggle, and a one-party regime since independence. From 1900 to 2025, there were no competitive national elections featuring multiple parties. The country has experienced either foreign domination or single-party governance, with the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) holding absolute control post-independence.

1900–1951: Colonial Rule – No Elections Held

Italian Eritrea (1890–1941): Eritrea was a colony of Italy. Elections were not conducted; governance was dictated by colonial authorities.

British Military Administration (1941–1951): Under British control post-WWII, local elections occurred at municipal levels (e.g., for advisory councils), but no national elections or representative institutions were established.

1952–1962: Eritrean Federation with Ethiopia

In 1952, the United Nations federated Eritrea with Ethiopia. The Eritrean Assembly was established, and limited parliamentary elections occurred.

1952 Election – Parties:

Unionist Party (pro-Ethiopia)

Moslem League (pro-autonomy)

Liberal Progressive Party

Result:

Unionist Party: ~32 seats (majority)

Voter Turnout: ~70% (estimated by British administrators)

The Assembly gradually lost power as Emperor Haile Selassie dissolved Eritrean autonomy in 1962. Democratic processes were dismantled.

1962–1991: Annexation by Ethiopia – No National Elections

Eritrea became a province of Ethiopia. The Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and later the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) launched an armed struggle.

All political activity was underground; no formal elections occurred.

1993: Referendum on Independence

Following military victory, the EPLF-led Provisional Government held a UN-supervised referendum.

Results:

YES to Independence: 1,825,559 votes (99.83%)

NO: 1,820 votes

Voter Turnout: 98.5%

The result was internationally recognised. Eritrea became independent on 24 May 1993.

1994–2001: Founding of the PFDJ and Planned Elections

In 1994, the EPLF transformed into the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) – the only legal party.

The first national elections were scheduled for December 2001.

However, due to the 1998–2000 border war with Ethiopia and increasing authoritarianism, elections were indefinitely postponed.

2002–2025: No General Elections Held

PFDJ Rule Continues: President Isaias Afwerki, in power since 1993, has not faced electoral competition.

National Assembly remains unelected since the transitional appointments made in the 1990s.

Opposition parties are banned; independent media is silenced; political dissent is criminalised.

Summary Table of Key Electoral Milestones (Eritrea, 1900–2025)

Political Outcome

Since independence, Eritrea has not held general elections for its national legislature or presidency. The regime is widely regarded as one of the most repressive globally. Despite initial post-war optimism, democratic transition stalled, and Eritrea remains a de facto one-party state. Calls for democratic reform have been suppressed, and external pressure has failed to yield electoral liberalisation.

Eritrea’s electoral history from 1900 to 2025 is marked more by absence than presence of competitive democratic practice. Despite a high-turnout independence referendum, the promise of elections in a multiparty environment remains unfulfilled. The PFDJ continues to dominate all facets of governance in a tightly controlled political space.

Eritrea’s Political Parties, Leadership, and Electoral Outcomes (1900–2025): A Historical Overview

Eritrea’s political history from 1900 to 2025 is unique in the African context—marked by colonialism, federation, liberation wars, and a prolonged absence of democratic electoral practice. While much of its modern political life has been dominated by a single-party regime, understanding the arc of Eritrea's political entities and leadership across the decades reveals the complexity behind its electoral stagnation.

1900–1952: Italian Rule and British Administration

During the early 20th century, Eritrea was an Italian colony (1890–1941). As a colonial possession, there were no elections or political parties representing Eritreans. Italian governors ruled directly from Rome, and political dissent was suppressed.

Following Italy’s defeat in World War II, Eritrea fell under British Military Administration (1941–1952). This period saw the formation of the first Eritrean political parties. Notably:

Unionist Party (Mahber Fikri Hager) – Favoured union with Ethiopia.

Muslim League (Al Rabita al Islamia) – Advocated for independence and represented Muslim interests.

Liberal Progressive Party – Called for full Eritrean independence.

Despite these parties participating in the 1952 UN-supervised elections for a federal parliament under the Eritrea-Ethiopia federation, political expression was largely constrained by international pressure and Ethiopia’s growing influence.

1952–1991: Federation, Annexation, and Armed Struggle

The 1952 Eritrean Assembly elections were the closest the nation has come to a multiparty vote. The Unionist Party won a majority, aligning Eritrea with Ethiopia under a federation.

However, in 1962, Ethiopia formally annexed Eritrea as a province, dissolving the Eritrean parliament and banning political parties. This led to armed resistance by nationalist groups:

Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) – Founded in 1960; drew support from rural and Muslim populations.

Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) – A Marxist-oriented breakaway from the ELF in the 1970s, which would become the dominant liberation movement.

No formal elections occurred during this era. The struggle against Ethiopian rule culminated in Eritrea’s de facto independence in 1991, and de jure independence via a UN-supervised referendum in 1993, which yielded a near-unanimous vote for independence (99.8% in favour).

1993–2025: Independence and One-Party Rule

The People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)

Leader: Isaias Afwerki (1993–2025)

Origins: Successor to the EPLF

Ideology: Self-reliance, authoritarian nationalism, rejection of Western-style liberal democracy

Since independence, Eritrea has had no national elections. Though a constitution was ratified in 1997, it has never been implemented. The PFDJ became the sole legal party, and President Isaias Afwerki has ruled continuously without electoral mandate.

Plans for elections—originally promised for 1997 and later rescheduled for 2001—were indefinitely postponed due to the 1998–2000 border war with Ethiopia and internal crackdowns.

Despite ongoing pressure from opposition groups in exile and international human rights organisations, the following political developments remained constant by 2025:

No opposition parties permitted inside Eritrea

All media controlled by the state

Political prisoners detained without trial

No functioning National Assembly since 2002

Opposition in Exile (2000s–2025)

In the diaspora, several opposition parties and coalitions have formed:

Eritrean National Council for Democratic Change (ENCDC)

Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA)

Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP)

While these groups advocate for democratic reform, they remain fragmented and lack access to the domestic political sphere due to the state's rigid authoritarian structure.

A Nation Without Electoral Contest

From 1900 to 2025, Eritrea transitioned from colonial subjugation to national independence—yet never made the leap to democratic governance. Despite initial post-independence optimism, the country has been dominated by a single party and one leader for over three decades.

Eritrea remains one of the few countries globally never to have held a free and fair multiparty election since gaining sovereignty—underscoring the exceptional nature of its political trajectory in the Horn of Africa.

Reported Irregularities and Electoral Violence in Eritrea (1900–2025)

The electoral history of Eritrea from 1900 to 2025 is marked more by the absence of competitive electoral processes than by electoral violence or irregularities in the conventional sense. Since gaining independence in 1993 following a prolonged armed struggle against Ethiopia, Eritrea has operated under a highly centralised political system that has largely eschewed multiparty democracy and electoral competition.

Post-Independence Electoral Framework

1993 Referendum (April 23–25):
This was the only nationwide vote held in Eritrea since its independence. The referendum, conducted under United Nations supervision, saw 99.83% of voters choose independence from Ethiopia, with a reported 98.5% turnout. Despite the overwhelming mandate, observers noted the heavy influence of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), the precursor to the ruling People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), in the conduct of the vote. However, no major violence or irregularities were documented, largely due to the transitional nature of the exercise.

Lack of Subsequent National Elections

Parliamentary Elections Delayed Indefinitely:
National parliamentary elections, initially scheduled for 1997 following the ratification of the Eritrean Constitution, have never been held. These elections were postponed indefinitely, first due to the Eritrea-Ethiopia border war (1998–2000) and later attributed to “national security concerns” and internal political consolidation.
This delay has drawn repeated international criticism but did not result in reported electoral violence—since no polls were conducted to begin with.

No Presidential Elections:
Since independence, President Isaias Afwerki has remained in power without facing an election. The lack of presidential elections itself is an irregularity from a democratic standpoint, but again, in the absence of formal electoral contests, there were no reported instances of electoral violence associated with campaigns or polling.

Annulled, Delayed or Boycotted Elections (1900–2025)

Given Eritrea's unique post-colonial trajectory, the period between 1900 and 1993 is more relevant for colonial and imperial transitions rather than electoral competition. From 1993 onwards, the record is defined by postponements and cancellations, not competitive elections:

Key Instances:

From 1900 to 2025, Eritrea's electoral landscape has been characterised not by contested or fraudulent elections but by a near-total absence of them. The lack of elections since the 1993 referendum reflects a deliberate centralisation of power and suppression of political pluralism rather than classical electoral misconduct. As a result, traditional markers of electoral violence—such as polling day clashes, campaign attacks, or post-election unrest—are largely absent from Eritrea's political record. Instead, the nation's most notable electoral irregularity remains the government's refusal to implement constitutional provisions allowing for democratic elections.

Democracy Index & Reform: Eritrea’s Ranking in Electoral Democracy from 1900 to 2025

Eritrea's trajectory in terms of electoral democracy from 1900 to 2025 presents a unique and sobering case. Unlike other nations that have fluctuated between democratic progress and authoritarian regression, Eritrea has experienced near-total democratic stagnation, shaped by a colonial past, a liberation struggle, and a post-independence regime that never permitted pluralistic politics to flourish.

Pre-Independence Period (1900–1993): Colonial Subjugation, Not Self-Governance

From 1900 until the early 1990s, Eritrea did not experience any form of electoral democracy. It spent much of the 20th century under foreign domination:

Italian Colonial Rule (1890–1941): Eritrea was governed as part of Italy’s East African empire, with no democratic institutions or local self-rule.

British Military Administration (1941–1952): Although some local advisory councils were formed, true democratic governance was absent.

Federation with Ethiopia (1952–1962): Eritrea initially retained some autonomy under a federal arrangement, but Ethiopia rapidly eroded this, culminating in full annexation and the abolition of Eritrea’s parliament.

Ethiopian Rule (1962–1991): During this period, Eritrea became a province of Ethiopia and saw brutal repression, armed resistance, and no semblance of democratic representation.

Post-Independence Era (1993–2025): Promise Abandoned

Initial Optimism (1993–1997)

1993 Independence Referendum: Eritrea's only nationwide vote to date, conducted under UN supervision, saw over 99% voting for independence from Ethiopia. It was widely regarded as free and fair.

1997 Constitution: Drafted with public consultation and ratified by a constitutional assembly, it provided for a multi-party system, an independent judiciary, and regular elections. However, it was never implemented.

Authoritarian Entrenchment (1998–2025)

From the late 1990s onward, Eritrea’s political trajectory sharply declined:

No National Elections: Despite numerous promises, no presidential or parliamentary elections have been held since independence.

One-Party Rule: The People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) remains the only legal political party.

2001 Crackdown: Reformist officials and independent journalists were detained without trial, and all private media was shuttered.

Constitution Suspended: While never officially revoked, the 1997 Constitution remains dormant. The National Assembly has not met in over 20 years.

International Democracy Rankings (2000–2025)

Organisations such as Freedom House, The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), and Polity IV have consistently rated Eritrea among the least democratic countries in the world:

Freedom House: Eritrea has been rated “Not Free” every year since its first appearance in the index, often scoring zero in political rights and civil liberties.

EIU Democracy Index: Eritrea is persistently placed in the bottom five globally, often alongside North Korea and Turkmenistan, with “Authoritarian Regime” classification.

Polity IV: Scores Eritrea as autocratic, noting the absence of executive constraints, electoral competition, or civil society participation.

Reforms or Backsliding?

There has been no meaningful democratic reform in Eritrea from 1993 to 2025. Instead, the country has witnessed:

Deepening authoritarianism

Expansion of military conscription, often indefinite in duration

Suppression of dissent and religious freedom

No independent judiciary or media

The ruling elite frames political repression as a necessity for national security and sovereignty, particularly in the wake of the 1998–2000 border war with Ethiopia. However, critics argue that this has been used as a pretext for indefinite rule and the erosion of fundamental freedoms.

A Democracy Deferred

Eritrea stands out as one of the few modern nations never to hold a national election post-independence. Despite the democratic aspirations outlined in its 1997 constitution, no reforms were implemented, and political freedoms have been systematically denied. From 1900 to 2025, Eritrea's history has been marked not by progress in electoral democracy but by persistent authoritarian rule—first imposed by foreign powers, then entrenched by its own post-independence government.

Major Electoral Reforms Introduced in Eritrea from 1900 to 2025

From the turn of the 20th century through to 2025, Eritrea’s political and electoral landscape has been characterised more by delay and restraint than by progressive democratic reform. Unlike many nations that moved towards multiparty democracies throughout the 20th and early 21st centuries, Eritrea's electoral reforms have remained largely nominal and symbolic. However, a few landmark developments and proposed frameworks hint at the state's formal engagement with electoral concepts—even if they were not effectively implemented.

Pre-Independence Political Landscape (1900–1991)

Before gaining independence in 1993, Eritrea was under successive colonial and imperial rule—from Italian colonisation (1890–1941), British military administration (1941–1952), and finally Ethiopian annexation (1952–1991). During this period:

No indigenous electoral reforms were introduced by Eritreans themselves.

Political agency was limited, with administration dominated by external powers.

Under the British administration, there was some discussion of federal arrangements with Ethiopia, leading to the 1952 UN-brokered federation with Ethiopia, which briefly allowed for local Eritrean elections within a federal context. These were, however, dismantled after Ethiopia annexed Eritrea in 1962.

Post-Independence Framework and The 1997 Constitution

Following its independence in 1993, Eritrea conducted a UN-supervised referendum with a nearly unanimous vote in favour of independence. This was the first and only national electoral exercise witnessed by Eritreans.

The most significant electoral reform on paper came in 1997 with the ratification of Eritrea’s Constitution. Key features included:

Provisions for a multiparty system.

Framework for universal suffrage.

Establishment of a National Assembly, composed of elected representatives.

Commitment to regular elections and separation of powers.

However, the constitution has never been implemented, and subsequent national elections have been indefinitely postponed.

Formation of the Electoral Commission (2001)

In a symbolic nod to electoral progress, Eritrea established the Electoral Commission in 2001, tasked with preparing for long-delayed national elections.

Key proposed features of this reform included:

Introduction of a party registration system.

Plans to initiate local and national elections.

Organisation of voter registration procedures.

Despite its formation, the Commission has remained inactive, and no general election has been conducted since independence. The only limited electoral activity has been at the local or regional level, often under strict state control and limited transparency.

Regional and Local Elections (2000s–2010s)

From the early 2000s, the Eritrean government allowed local and regional elections under the framework of the People's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)—the country’s only legal party.

While these local elections were nominally participatory, they:

Did not permit opposition parties or independent candidates.

Were supervised and regulated by appointed local committees under the PFDJ's control.

Were rarely publicised internationally, and lacked international observers or standards.

Stalled Democratic Transition (2002–2025)

Despite early signs of constitutional and electoral commitment, Eritrea’s democratic development remained stagnant throughout the first quarter of the 21st century.

Key developments—or lack thereof—include:

The postponement of national elections, repeatedly cited as necessary due to the ongoing border conflict with Ethiopia.

Suppression of dissent and indefinite postponement of political pluralism.

Lack of meaningful electoral legislation or political party law reforms.

By 2025, Eritrea remains one of the few countries globally that has never held national multiparty elections, despite formal electoral structures on paper.

In summary, while Eritrea introduced nominal electoral reforms in the 1990s—including a ratified constitution and the formation of an electoral commission—these initiatives have not been implemented in practice. The country remains under de facto one-party rule, with no functioning electoral system for national governance. Most reforms, while significant on paper, have been stifled by political centralisation, security concerns, and deliberate delays. As of 2025, Eritrea continues to face international pressure to operationalise its electoral commitments and transition towards a truly democratic framework.

A Comparative Analysis of Eritrea’s Electoral Systems from 1900 to 2025: Which Era Was More Democratic?

Eritrea’s political history from 1900 to 2025 is a story marked by foreign domination, armed struggle, and one-party authoritarian rule. The question of democratic electoral processes in Eritrea is complex, as the country has seen minimal genuine electoral activity throughout its modern history. This article compares Eritrea’s electoral systems across two broad historical phases to determine which period, if any, can be considered more democratic.

Eritrea Under Colonial and Federal Administration (1900–1952)

During the first half of the 20th century, Eritrea was primarily an Italian colony (1890–1941) and later under British military administration (1941–1952). Under Italian rule, there were no electoral mechanisms for Eritrean representation — the colonial regime was autocratic and imposed by force, with no democratic institutions for the local population.

Following World War II, the British administration allowed limited political activity, leading to the formation of early Eritrean political parties advocating varying futures for the territory. Notably, the 1952 United Nations-supervised elections for the Eritrean Assembly under the federal arrangement with Ethiopia provided Eritreans with a rare opportunity to participate in a representative electoral process.

Features of the 1952 Electoral System:

Multi-party participation, including the Unionist Party, Muslim League, and others.

Elections were competitive and represented differing political aspirations.

Electoral processes, though limited in scale and scope, were conducted under international oversight.

The Assembly had legislative powers within the federation framework.

Assessment:
While constrained by external political pressures and overshadowed by Ethiopian influence, the 1952 elections represented Eritrea’s only instance of a formal, multi-party, competitive electoral system during the period from 1900 to 2025. Thus, this era exhibited elements of democratic practice, albeit limited and fragile.

Eritrea’s Post-Independence Electoral System (1993–2025)

Following a protracted liberation struggle, Eritrea achieved formal independence in 1993. Expectations for democratic governance were initially high, and a constitution was ratified in 1997, which promised multiparty elections.

However, from independence until 2025, Eritrea has operated as a one-party state under the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), led by President Isaias Afwerki. No national elections—presidential or parliamentary—have been held. Political opposition is banned, and civil liberties are severely restricted.

Characteristics of Eritrea’s Post-Independence Political System:

One-party dominance with no legal opposition parties.

Absence of national elections or any form of popular electoral participation.

Suspension of constitutional guarantees on electoral democracy.

Political power concentrated in the hands of the PFDJ and President Afwerki.

Extensive state control over media and political discourse.

Assessment:
Despite its name, the PFDJ has maintained authoritarian rule with no genuine democratic elections. Eritrea is widely regarded by international observers as one of the most repressive political systems globally, with no meaningful electoral democracy.

Which Era Was More Democratic?

Comparing these two periods side-by-side, the 1952 federal electoral system was significantly more democratic than Eritrea’s post-independence political system. Despite its imperfections and limitations under colonial and international constraints, the 1952 elections involved multi-party participation, voter choice, and legislative representation.

In contrast, the post-1993 era is characterised by an absence of elections, no political pluralism, and systematic suppression of dissent, effectively making Eritrea a non-democratic state in terms of electoral governance.

Between 1900 and 2025, Eritrea’s most democratic moment was brief and situated within the 1952 federal period under UN supervision. This period allowed limited but genuine electoral competition. Conversely, the long stretch of post-independence rule by the PFDJ has seen no elections or democratic accountability, making the contemporary Eritrean system the least democratic in its history.

This stark contrast highlights the challenges Eritrea faces in developing a democratic political culture after decades of authoritarian rule.

The First Democratic Elections of the 20th Century: Countries and Electoral Systems

The 20th century was a pivotal period for the global spread of democracy. While democratic principles had emerged in earlier centuries—most notably in 19th-century Western Europe and the United States—the 20th century witnessed the first democratic elections in numerous countries across all continents. These elections not only signalled political transitions but also established electoral systems that shaped national political cultures.

Below is a survey of selected countries that held their first democratic elections during the 20th century, including the electoral system each adopted at the time.

Germany – 1919 (Weimar Republic)

System: Proportional Representation
Following the collapse of the German Empire after World War I, the 1919 elections for the Weimar National Assembly marked Germany’s first attempt at democracy. The system used was a list-based proportional representation (PR) model, allowing multiple political parties to gain seats proportionally.

India – 1951–52 (Post-Independence General Elections)

System: First-Past-the-Post (FPTP)
After gaining independence from Britain in 1947, India held its first democratic general election in 1951–52. The country adopted the FPTP system, a legacy of British parliamentary democracy. It remains in use today for electing members of the Lok Sabha (lower house of parliament).

Japan – 1946 (Post-War Election)

System: Limited Franchise (later PR and Mixed)
Japan held its first significant post-war democratic election in 1946 under the Allied occupation. Initially, the system resembled a single non-transferable vote (SNTV) within multi-member constituencies. By 1947, a new constitution was introduced and later elections included elements of both PR and majoritarian systems.

South Korea – 1948 (Constitutional Assembly Election)

System: First-Past-the-Post
Following liberation from Japanese rule, South Korea held its first democratic election in 1948 for a constitutional assembly. It used the FPTP system in single-member districts, a model that was retained with adjustments through the country’s later democratic transitions.

Ghana – 1951 (Legislative Election under British Colonial Rule)

System: Limited Franchise, later FPTP
In 1951, Ghana (then the Gold Coast) held its first legislative election under British colonial administration. Although the franchise was limited, the election marked a significant democratic milestone. By the time of independence in 1957, Ghana had adopted the FPTP system.

Israel – 1949 (Constituent Assembly Election)

System: Proportional Representation
Israel's first democratic election occurred in 1949 to form a constituent assembly, which soon became the Knesset (parliament). The electoral system was (and remains) a closed-list proportional representation system with a national constituency and a low electoral threshold.

Indonesia – 1955 (First General Election)

System: Proportional Representation
Indonesia held its first democratic general election in 1955 to elect members of the People’s Representative Council. The country adopted PR, dividing seats among political parties based on their share of the national vote. The system was later interrupted by authoritarian rule but laid early foundations for post-Suharto democracy.

Nigeria – 1959 (Federal Elections before Independence)

System: First-Past-the-Post
Prior to independence in 1960, Nigeria held federal elections in 1959 under the British-imposed FPTP model. This system was adopted officially at independence and remained the primary electoral format in the post-colonial period.

South Africa – 1994 (End of Apartheid)

System: Proportional Representation
Though South Africa had elections before 1994, they were racially exclusive. The first truly democratic and universal suffrage election took place in 1994, marking the end of apartheid. The closed-list PR system ensured proportionality and inclusive representation in the National Assembly.

Poland – 1991 (Post-Communist Election)

System: Proportional Representation
After the fall of communism, Poland held its first free parliamentary election in 1991. The system adopted was open-list PR, reflecting a broad shift in Eastern Europe toward democratic pluralism and proportional representation.

The 20th century’s democratic awakening was underpinned by two dominant electoral systems: First-Past-the-Post, often inherited from colonial or British parliamentary traditions; and Proportional Representation, favoured in post-authoritarian and post-conflict transitions for its inclusivity. The choice of system played a critical role in shaping political stability, representation, and the evolution of party systems in emerging democracies.

Timeline & Summary: Major Elections and Political Turning Points in Eritrea (1900–2025)

Eritrea’s political history in the 20th and early 21st centuries is marked by complex colonial rule, armed struggle, and challenges to democratic governance. Unlike many countries with regular elections, Eritrea’s electoral milestones have been few and often contested by political developments. This timeline highlights the major elections and key political turning points from 1900 to 2025.

Early 20th Century: Colonial Rule and Limited Political Participation

1890–1941: Eritrea was an Italian colony. Political participation was minimal and controlled by colonial authorities; no democratic elections were held for Eritrean governance.

1941–1952: After World War II, Eritrea came under British military administration. Limited local political activity began, but formal elections did not take place.

1952: Federation with Ethiopia

Eritrea was federated with Ethiopia under a United Nations resolution, granted limited autonomy. Eritrean political institutions were created, but Ethiopia gradually undermined Eritrea’s autonomy.

No genuine democratic elections were conducted during this period; Ethiopian central government control grew.

1962: Annexation by Ethiopia

Ethiopia dissolved Eritrea’s autonomous status, annexing it as a province. This led to the start of the armed struggle for independence.

No elections took place; political opposition was suppressed.

1970s–1991: Armed Struggle and Liberation War

Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) and later Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) fought against Ethiopian rule.

No elections; political organisation was largely militarised and underground.

1991: Liberation and De Facto Independence

EPLF took control of Eritrea following the collapse of the Ethiopian regime.

A transitional government was established under EPLF dominance.

1993: Independence Referendum

Key Political Event: Eritrea held a UN-supervised referendum on independence from Ethiopia.

Outcome: Over 99% voted in favour of independence.

This was a landmark democratic exercise, regarded as Eritrea’s first national vote.

1993–Present: One-Party Rule and Postponed Elections

Following independence, the EPLF transformed into the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), the sole legal party.

Planned National Assembly elections and presidential elections have been repeatedly postponed since the mid-1990s.

Eritrea has not conducted national elections; political pluralism remains absent.

Notable Attempts and International Criticism

Various international bodies and human rights organisations have criticised Eritrea for lack of democratic elections and political repression.

The government cites ongoing security concerns and regional instability as reasons for delayed elections.

Recent Developments (2018–2025)

The 2018 peace agreement with Ethiopia raised hopes for political reforms.

Despite diplomatic progress, no national elections have been scheduled or held by 2025.

Eritrea continues to be governed under a single-party framework, with political power concentrated in the presidency.

Summary

Eritrea’s electoral history diverges significantly from typical democratic trajectories. While it conducted a landmark independence referendum in 1993, the country has yet to hold multiparty national elections. The political landscape remains dominated by a single party, with electoral democracy effectively suspended since independence.

Major Global Electoral Events That Reshaped Democracy in Eritrea (1900–2025)

Eritrea’s democratic evolution from 1900 to 2025 has been deeply influenced by a series of significant global and regional political events. These events, including revolutions, wars, and international reforms, have shaped the country’s political landscape and its limited democratic experiences. Below is a chronological list of major electoral and political events that directly or indirectly impacted Eritrea’s democratic trajectory during this period.

Italian Colonial Rule and World War II (1890–1941)

Colonial administration: Eritrea was an Italian colony with no electoral system for indigenous Eritreans. Political power was monopolised by the Italian colonial authorities.

World War II (1939–1945): The defeat of Italy led to the British Military Administration in Eritrea (1941–1952), which introduced limited political freedoms and allowed the emergence of Eritrean political parties.

British Military Administration and the UN Federation Decision (1941–1952)

UN involvement (1950–1952): The United Nations deliberated Eritrea’s future, culminating in a resolution for federation with Ethiopia.

1952 Eritrean Assembly elections: Under UN supervision, Eritreans voted in elections that allowed limited self-government within the Ethiopian federation. This period marks Eritrea’s only brief experience with competitive multi-party elections before independence.

Ethiopian Annexation and Liberation Struggle (1962–1991)

1962 Ethiopian annexation: Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia dissolved Eritrea’s autonomous government, ending the federation and abolishing local elections.

Armed liberation movements: The Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF, 1960) and later the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF, 1970s) led a protracted armed struggle against Ethiopian rule. The absence of elections during this period shifted political contestation from the ballot box to the battlefield.

Eritrean Independence Referendum (1993)

UN-supervised referendum: Following the EPLF’s victory and Ethiopia’s collapse, Eritrea held a referendum under UN supervision.

Outcome: Over 99% voted for independence, marking a rare example of a peaceful, internationally recognised electoral event affirming self-determination.

Significance: This referendum was a cornerstone for Eritrea’s sovereignty but did not establish a democratic electoral system thereafter.

Post-Independence Political Developments and Election Postponements (1993–Present)

Constitution ratification (1997): Eritrea adopted a constitution promising multiparty elections and democratic governance.

Election postponements: Scheduled national elections (originally set for 1997 and 2001) were indefinitely postponed, primarily due to the border war with Ethiopia (1998–2000) and internal political consolidation.

Authoritarian consolidation: The ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) became the sole legal party, and President Isaias Afwerki maintained power without elections.

Regional and Global Democratic Waves

African democratization (1990s–2000s): The wave of multi-party democracy across Africa during the 1990s largely bypassed Eritrea, which remained a one-party state.

Arab Spring (2010s): The regional calls for democratic reform did not translate into electoral change in Eritrea, though they increased international scrutiny of authoritarian regimes.

International pressure and sanctions: Various global actors have urged Eritrea to hold elections and respect human rights, but these efforts have not yet reshaped the country’s political system.

From colonial subjugation to post-independence authoritarianism, Eritrea’s democratic journey has been profoundly affected by global and regional events. The 1952 UN-supervised elections and the 1993 independence referendum remain the two most significant electoral milestones. However, the prolonged absence of elections since independence underlines the challenges Eritrea faces in realising democratic governance.

CSV-Style Table: General Elections in Eritrea (1900–2025)

Electoral History and General Elections in Eritrea (1900–2025)

Eritrea’s electoral history from 1900 to 2025 is marked by long periods of political suppression, limited electoral activity, and an ongoing absence of competitive elections.

Colonial Era (1900–1941): Under Italian rule, Eritrea experienced no elections. The colonial administration maintained direct control, excluding Eritreans from political participation.

Transition and Federation Period (1941–1952): The British Military Administration introduced political freedoms, culminating in the 1952 multi-party election for the Eritrean Assembly within the Ethiopia federation. The Unionist Party, favouring union with Ethiopia, won a significant share of seats in a moderately attended election.

Ethiopian Annexation (1962–1991): With Ethiopia’s annexation of Eritrea, political autonomy was abolished, and elections ceased entirely. The ensuing armed liberation struggle dominated political activity.

Independence Referendum (1993): A landmark UN-supervised referendum saw over 98% of Eritrean voters support independence, marking a rare democratic event in the country’s history.

Post-Independence Period (1997–2025): Although a constitution promising multiparty elections was ratified in 1997, elections have been indefinitely postponed. The People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) remains the sole political party, and Eritrea has not held any national elections since independence.

In summary, Eritrea’s electoral experience is limited to the 1952 federation elections and the 1993 independence referendum. Since then, the country has remained under one-party authoritarian rule without electoral competition.

Global Electoral Trends by Decade from Eritrea, 1900 to 2025: Democratization, Electoral Innovations, and Authoritarian Rollbacks

Eritrea’s electoral history, spanning from 1900 to 2025, reflects the broader complexities of political change in post-colonial Africa but stands out for its long absence of democratic elections and persistent authoritarianism. Below is a decade-by-decade summary of Eritrea’s electoral and political trends, highlighting periods of hope, repression, and the overall lack of democratic development.

1900s–1940s: Colonial Rule and No Electoral Autonomy

During the first half of the 20th century, Eritrea was a colonial territory—first under Italian control (until 1941) and then British administration (1941–1952). Throughout this era:

No democratic elections or representative institutions existed for Eritreans.

Governance was controlled by foreign colonial powers with little or no local political participation.

Electoral innovations were absent; political expression was effectively suppressed.

1950s: Federation with Ethiopia and Dissolution of Eritrean Autonomy

In 1952, the United Nations arranged a federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia, granting limited autonomy:

The Eritrean Assembly was established but with limited powers.

No genuine multi-party democracy was fostered.

By 1962, Ethiopia unilaterally dissolved the federation, annexing Eritrea as a province, ending even this modest form of representation.

1960s–1970s: Armed Struggle and Absence of Elections

The 1960s and 1970s were dominated by Eritrea’s armed liberation struggle against Ethiopian annexation:

No elections took place, as Eritrea was under Ethiopian rule.

Political mobilisation was largely clandestine and militarised.

The period was marked by repression and no formal electoral innovations.

1980s: Liberation War Intensifies, No Political Pluralism

In the 1980s, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) intensified its fight for independence:

There was still no formal electoral process.

Political organisation was revolutionary, not electoral.

The EPLF began establishing administrative structures in liberated zones but these were not electoral bodies.

1990s: Independence and Initial Democratic Promise

1991: EPLF took control of Eritrea; transitional government formed.

1993: UN-supervised independence referendum held, with a 99.8% vote in favour of independence — Eritrea’s only free and fair electoral event to date.

1997: Constitution drafted promising multi-party democracy and elections, but this was never implemented.

The decade showed early democratization hopes, but these quickly faded.

2000s: Authoritarian Consolidation and Electoral Freeze

Promised elections in 2001 were postponed indefinitely.

The one-party PFDJ regime entrenched itself; political dissent was suppressed.

Media and civil society freedoms were crushed.

The constitution was effectively suspended.

No electoral innovations occurred; authoritarian rollback intensified.

2010s: Continued Repression and Absence of Political Reform

Eritrea remained a one-party state with no national elections.

The regime justified repression citing regional conflicts and national security.

International criticism grew over human rights abuses and lack of democracy.

No progress towards electoral democracy or pluralism was made.

2020s (to 2025): Stagnation Amid Regional Changes

Despite some regional peace efforts (notably the 2018 peace deal with Ethiopia), Eritrea has not opened political space or held elections.

The political system remains firmly authoritarian.

No signs of electoral reforms or democratization trends are evident.

Eritrea continues to rank among the world’s lowest on democracy indices.

Summary

Across more than a century, Eritrea’s political history shows:

No democratic elections until the 1993 independence referendum.

No institutionalisation of electoral democracy post-independence.

Early democratic promises in the 1990s were swiftly reversed.

Eritrea remains a rare example of persistent authoritarian rule with no electoral pluralism.

While global trends have largely seen waves of democratization, electoral innovations, and, occasionally, authoritarian backsliding, Eritrea’s experience is characterised by near-total exclusion from these patterns, with a singular moment of electoral expression in 1993 and no subsequent democratic development.

Analytical Narrative Style
Example prompt:
“Write like a political analyst explaining why the 2006 election in Eritrea was controversial. Focus on the political context, key actors, and the implications for democracy in the country.”

Journalistic Summary Style
Example prompt:
“Summarise the 1900 Eastern European elections in a journalistic tone. Highlight the main political parties, voter turnout, major issues, and the overall impact on the region’s political landscape.”

Historical Election Analysis
Example prompt:
“Provide an in-depth analysis of the 1997 general election in Eritrea. Include the electoral system, main contenders, controversies, and the election’s significance in the country’s post-independence history.”

Election Reform Explanation
Example prompt:
“Explain the major electoral reforms introduced in Eritrea between 1990 and 2025. Analyse how these reforms shaped the political environment and affected voter participation.”

Comparative Election Overview
Example prompt:
“Compare the general elections held in Eritrea in 1997 and 2006. Discuss differences in electoral procedures, political party dynamics, and levels of international scrutiny.”

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