Cameroon’s Electoral System & Structure (1900–2025): An Overview-Dr. Raju Ahmed Dipu

Cameroon’s electoral history is deeply influenced by colonial legacies, political centralisation, and gradual (albeit uneven) reforms. Between 1900 and 2025, the country transitioned from colonial indirect rule to a formally multi-party presidential republic. However, despite structural reforms, Cameroon's elections have remained contentious, with persistent concerns over transparency, fairness, and democratic integrity.

1900–1960: Colonial Foundations & Indirect Representation

German Rule (1900–1916)

Cameroon was a German colony (Kamerun) until the end of World War I. During this period, no formal elections occurred. Administration was conducted through German-appointed officials, using indirect rule via traditional chiefs. Representation was non-existent for indigenous populations.

French and British Trusteeship (1916–1960)

Following Germany’s defeat, the territory was split: the larger portion administered by France (as French Cameroun), and a smaller western strip by Britain (as British Cameroons), both under League of Nations then UN mandate.

French Cameroun gradually introduced limited representative institutions. In 1945, Camerounese representatives were elected to the French National Assembly. Voting was restricted and structured through a dual-college system:

First College: French citizens and assimilated elites (mostly Europeans);

Second College: Indigenous Africans with minimal rights.

Cameroon 1948 Electoral System:
In this year, the elections for the Representative Assembly of French Cameroun used a majoritarian system—specifically, a two-round majority vote. The assembly was structured along racial lines via the dual-college voting, resulting in systemic inequality.

British Cameroons used indirect elections via native authorities and councils. No proportional representation was introduced. Instead, political participation was filtered through the colonial administrative hierarchy.

1960–1990: One-Party Dominance

Cameroon gained independence in 1960 (French Cameroun) and reunified with Southern British Cameroons in 1961. The country operated under a federal system until 1972, then a unitary state.

Post-Independence Electoral Framework

Elections from 1960 onwards were formally majoritarian, using First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) for legislative seats and a majority-runoff system for presidential elections.

However, after 1966, Cameroon became a de facto one-party state under the Cameroon National Union (CNU), later the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM).

1972–1980s: Symbolic Elections

During this period, elections became largely ceremonial:

Single candidates were presented in presidential elections.

Parliamentary “elections” featured a single party list.

1990–2025: Multi-Party Elections Under Dominance

Multi-party politics was legalised in 1990, but the CPDM maintained a hegemonic hold on political power.

Electoral Systems Used:

Presidential Elections:

Voting System: Majority in one round (simple plurality since 1992).

Term Length: Initially 5 years, extended to 7.

No term limits since 2008.

National Assembly (Lower House):

System: Mixed-member majoritarian system.

Seats: 180 deputies.

Electoral Formula:

In single-member constituencies: FPTP.

In multi-member constituencies: Block vote with party list plurality.

No proportionality is used—even in multi-member districts.

Senate (Upper House):

Introduced in 2013.

70 members are indirectly elected by municipal councillors using majoritarian electoral colleges, while 30 are appointed by the President.

Regional and Local Elections:

Implemented only after long delays (first regional elections held in 2020).

Electoral system: Indirect election through electoral colleges.

Electoral System Characteristics and Criticisms

Cameroon’s elections from 1990 to 2025 remained formally competitive but substantively unfree.

Lack of proportional representation results in underrepresentation of opposition parties.

Electoral Commission (ELECAM) has been criticised for partiality.

Incumbency advantages, gerrymandering, and voter suppression are widely reported.

Between 1900 and 2025, Cameroon’s electoral system evolved from colonial indirect rule to a structurally multi-party system. However, the predominant use of majoritarian and first-past-the-post voting systems, coupled with institutional weaknesses, has maintained political dominance by a single party and leader. Cameroon lacks a proportional electoral component, limiting broader political pluralism and representational fairness.

Sources:

Cameroon’s Electoral Code (2006, amended 2012)

Historical records from UN Trusteeship Reports

International Crisis Group and Human Rights Watch electoral reports

National Assembly of Cameroon archives

Cameroon’s transition to a multi-party electoral system was a gradual and often contested process, rooted in domestic demands for political liberalisation and influenced by international trends toward democratisation in the early 1990s.

One-Party Rule Under Ahidjo and Biya

Following independence from France in 1960 and the British Southern Cameroons’ unification in 1961, Cameroon initially adopted a federal system under President Ahmadou Ahidjo. However, by 1966, the political landscape was consolidated into a de facto one-party state with the formation of the Cameroon National Union (CNU) — later renamed the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM) under President Paul Biya.

This one-party system endured for over two decades. Although Cameroon held regular elections, these were non-competitive, with the ruling party enjoying uncontested dominance and the president holding sweeping executive powers.

Pressure for Political Reform

The winds of change began to blow in the late 1980s and early 1990s, a period marked by mounting economic crisis, social unrest, and the collapse of other authoritarian regimes in Africa. Inspired by these shifts, Cameroonians began demanding greater political freedoms.

Mass protests, strikes (notably the “villes mortes” or ghost town operations), and widespread civil unrest pressured the government to reform. The 1990 Freedom Law (Law No. 90/056 of 19 December 1990) legalised the formation of political parties, effectively ending the one-party era and opening the door to multi-party politics.

The First Multi-Party Elections

Cameroon’s first multi-party legislative elections were held in March 1992, followed by the first multi-party presidential election in October 1992. Though the 1992 elections marked a democratic milestone, they were marred by allegations of fraud, media bias, and lack of transparency.

President Paul Biya, who had succeeded Ahidjo in 1982, narrowly won re-election amid a divided opposition and widespread scepticism over the fairness of the vote. Despite international and domestic criticism, Biya retained power, and the opposition’s calls for a national conference — as seen in other African states — were ignored.

Democracy in Name or Substance?

Since 1992, Cameroon has continued to hold regular multi-party elections, but these have largely been described as pseudo-democratic. The ruling CPDM and President Biya (still in office as of 2025) have maintained a firm grip on power through control of electoral institutions, frequent constitutional amendments, and the suppression of dissent.

While the electoral framework technically allows for competition, the reality is a managed democracy, where meaningful political change through elections remains elusive.

Conclusion

Cameroon officially transitioned to a multi-party system in 1990, with the first multi-party elections taking place in 1992. However, despite the outward appearance of democracy, the country’s political system has remained largely authoritarian, dominated by the same leadership for over four decades. The transition, therefore, marked more of a cosmetic shift than a genuine democratic transformation — a point still debated by political analysts and civil society observers.

Election Results & Political Outcome in Cameroon (1900–2025): A Historical Overview

Cameroon’s national electoral landscape has evolved through various political regimes — from colonial control to a one-party state, and eventually a nominal multi-party democracy. The timeline of elections from 1900 to 2025 reveals important shifts in political participation, state control, and democratic development. Below is an overview of general elections in Cameroon, with a focus on party performance, seat distribution, and voter turnout where data permits.

Colonial Period (1900–1960)

During this era, Cameroon was first under German control (until 1916), then divided between the British and French under League of Nations mandates and later UN trusteeship. No national elections were held in the modern democratic sense until late colonial reforms in the 1950s.

1956 Legislative Elections (French Cameroon):

Winning Party: Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC) boycotted.

Main Party: Cameroonian Union (UC) led by Ahmadou Ahidjo.

Voter Turnout: Estimated at around 75%.

1957 Southern Cameroons Legislative Elections (British-administered):

Kamerun National Democratic Party (KNDP) won the majority.

Seats: KNDP – 12 of 26 seats.

Post-Independence One-Party Era (1960–1990)

Cameroon gained independence in 1960 (French Cameroon) and unified with British Southern Cameroons in 1961. The country operated under a de facto and later de jure one-party system until 1990.

1960 Legislative Elections:

Winning Party: Cameroonian Union (UC).

Seats Won: 98 out of 100.

Voter Turnout: ~75%.

1964 General Election (First After Unification):

Party: Cameroonian Union (UC).

Seats Won: 40/50 in East, 13/20 in West.

Opposition Presence: Minimal due to tight control.

1970 Legislative Elections:

Sole Legal Party: Cameroonian National Union (CNU, successor of UC).

Seats: All 120 seats won by CNU.

Turnout: Over 90%.

1975 & 1980 Elections:

CNU remained the only party.

Elections were confirmatory; candidates were selected by the party.

1975: 120 seats, all won by CNU.

1980 Presidential Election: Paul Biya became President in 1982 following Ahidjo's resignation.

1985–1990: CNU Becomes CPDM; Winds of Change

1985: The CNU rebranded as the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM).

Political liberalisation began under pressure in the late 1980s.

1992 General Elections: First Multi-Party Vote Since Independence

President: Paul Biya (CPDM).

Legislative Results:

CPDM: 88 seats

Social Democratic Front (SDF): 43 seats

Union Nationale pour la Démocratie et le Progrès (UNDP): 18

Others: 9

Voter Turnout: ~60%

Accusations of fraud were widespread.

1997 Elections

Boycott: SDF boycotted the legislative polls.

CPDM: Won 109 of 180 seats.

UNDP and UDC: Shared most of the rest.

Turnout: ~83% (presidential), lower in legislative polls.

2002 Legislative Elections

CPDM: 149 seats

SDF: 22 seats

UDC, UNDP, MDR: Small representation

Turnout: ~66%

2007 Legislative Elections

CPDM: 153 seats

SDF: 16

Others: UNDP (6), MDR (1), UPC (2), UDC (4)

Voter Turnout: ~61%

2013 Legislative Elections

CPDM: 148 seats

SDF: 18

UNDP: 5

Others: 9

Turnout: ~71%

2018 Presidential Elections

Paul Biya (CPDM): Re-elected with 71.3%

Maurice Kamto (MRC): ~14%

Turnout: 54%

Violence and Anglophone crisis affected legitimacy.

2020 Legislative Elections

Boycott: MRC (Movement for the Renaissance of Cameroon) boycotted.

CPDM: 152 of 180 seats

SDF: 5 seats (drastically reduced)

UNDP, UDC, Others: 23 seats

Turnout: ~46%, with lower participation in Anglophone regions due to conflict.

2025 General Elections (Projected)

As of June 2025, Cameroon is expected to hold both presidential and legislative elections. However, the precise date is yet to be confirmed. Observers expect the CPDM to dominate again amid continued Anglophone unrest and MRC’s likely limited participation.

Cameroon's electoral history from 1900 to 2025 is marked by a transition from colonial tutelage to a rigid one-party state and eventually a contested multi-party democracy. Despite formal pluralism, the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) has remained dominant throughout the post-independence period. Voter turnout has generally ranged between 45–75%, with fluctuations driven by political boycotts, civil unrest, and popular disillusionment.

The upcoming 2025 elections are viewed as another critical test of Cameroon’s democratic resilience in the face of political stagnation and regional crises.

Cameroon’s Electoral Leaders and Parties (1900–2025): An Evolution of Power and Political Personalities

From colonial rule to post-independence power struggles and contemporary electoral dominance, Cameroon’s political landscape between 1900 and 2025 reveals a blend of single-party rule, contested multiparty politics, and long-serving leaders. This article traces the major parties and personalities who shaped Cameroon’s electoral outcomes over this 125-year period.

Colonial Period (1900–1960): Administration over Representation

Between 1900 and 1916, Cameroon was a German colony, with no national elections. Political power was entirely in the hands of German colonial administrators. After World War I, Cameroon was split between Britain and France under League of Nations mandates, continuing under UN trusteeship after 1945.

French Cameroon saw limited political expression with the emergence of early nationalist movements in the 1940s.

British Southern Cameroons, administered via Nigeria, had representation in the Nigerian Eastern House of Assembly.

Key early political actors included:

André-Marie Mbida, the first Prime Minister of autonomous French Cameroon (1957–1958).

Ahmadou Ahidjo, who would go on to become the republic’s first president.

Independence and One-Party Rule (1960–1982): The Rise of Ahmadou Ahidjo

Cameroon gained independence from France on 1 January 1960 and from Britain on 1 October 1961 (reunification). Ahmadou Ahidjo, leader of the Union Camerounaise (UC), won the 1960 presidential election unopposed and began centralising power.

In 1966, Ahidjo merged all political forces into a single party: Cameroon National Union (CNU).

Elections were tightly controlled. Voters chose from a single list of CNU-approved candidates.

Ahidjo remained president until 1982.

Biya Era Begins (1982–Present): From Single-Party to Dominant-Party Rule

1982–1990: Controlled Transition

When Ahidjo resigned in 1982, Paul Biya, then Prime Minister, constitutionally succeeded him. Although Ahidjo formally stepped aside, tensions between the two led to purges of Ahidjo loyalists.

Biya became head of the CNU, which was renamed the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM) in 1985.

1990–1992: Legalisation of Multiparty Politics

Following pressure from pro-democracy movements and international actors, multiparty politics were legalised in 1990.

The first multiparty presidential election was held in 1992.

Major opposition figure: John Fru Ndi of the Social Democratic Front (SDF).

Outcome: Biya (CPDM) won narrowly amid allegations of electoral fraud.

1997–2025: The Age of Electoral Hegemony

Despite the legal presence of opposition parties, the CPDM has maintained a hegemonic position in every presidential and parliamentary election since the 1990s.

Key Parties & Leaders:

Recent Elections and Outcomes:

2004 Presidential Election: Paul Biya (CPDM) re-elected with 70.9% of the vote. Opposition claimed irregularities.

2011 Presidential Election: Biya won again with 77.9%; the constitution had been amended to allow unlimited terms.

2018 Presidential Election: Biya re-elected with 71.3%. Maurice Kamto (MRC) emerged as a serious challenger, claiming victory but was later imprisoned.

2025 Outlook: As of the latest developments, Biya remains president at age 92. The CPDM dominates the political and electoral machinery, though the MRC and civil society continue to push for reform and transparency.

The Politics of Longevity

Cameroon’s electoral history is a tale of stability coupled with stagnation. While multiparty elections have been held since the early 1990s, Paul Biya’s long-standing rule and CPDM dominance have raised persistent concerns over the legitimacy of elections. The lack of a credible electoral commission, restrictions on press freedom, and repression of opposition leaders continue to shape the country’s electoral outcomes.

Key Legacy Figures:

Ahmadou Ahidjo: Architect of independence and early nation-building.

Paul Biya: Africa’s second-longest serving leader, embodying continuity and control.

John Fru Ndi: Symbol of opposition resilience in the 1990s.

Maurice Kamto: Hope for political transition in the 21st century.

Electoral Violence, Irregularities, and Disruptions in Cameroon (1900–2025)

Electoral Violence & Irregularities in Cameroon (1900–2025)

Cameroon’s electoral history has been marred by persistent allegations of irregularities, electoral malpractice, and occasional violence, particularly since the advent of multiparty politics in the 1990s. From colonial-era restrictions to post-independence authoritarian rule and flawed competitive elections, the integrity of Cameroon’s polls has often been questioned by both domestic actors and international observers.

One-Party Rule & Controlled Elections (1966–1990)

Following independence in 1960 and the unification of French and British Cameroons in 1961, the country operated under a single-party system led by the Cameroon National Union (CNU), later renamed the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM). Elections during this period, including those in 1970, 1973, 1978, and 1983, were symbolic exercises lacking genuine competition. Irregularities were institutionalised, with opposition excluded and results predetermined.

The 1992 Presidential Election – A Turning Point with Tension

Cameroon reintroduced multiparty politics in 1990 under domestic and international pressure. The first multiparty presidential election in October 1992 was marked by:

Accusations of vote-rigging by the incumbent CPDM and President Paul Biya.

Opposition parties, including the Social Democratic Front (SDF) led by John Fru Ndi, citing voter intimidation and fraud.

The military's visible presence at polling stations in opposition strongholds.

Violent protests erupted in Bamenda and other anglophone regions following Biya’s declared victory with 39.98% of the vote.

2002 Legislative Elections – Electoral List Manipulations

The June 2002 parliamentary elections were plagued by irregularities:

Allegations of massive voter roll errors and ghost voters.

Widespread reports of ballot box stuffing and intimidation in certain regions.

The Supreme Court annulled results in 17 constituencies, ordering re-runs.

2004 and 2011 Presidential Elections – Limited Transparency

Both elections, particularly the October 2004 vote, saw:

Biased state media coverage favouring President Biya.

Voter registration irregularities.

In 2011, the Constitutional Council rejected complaints by opposition candidates despite evidence of underage and duplicate voters.

2013 Local and Parliamentary Elections – Technical Failures

The 30 September 2013 elections experienced:

Delays due to logistical shortcomings and administrative confusion.

Violence in parts of the Far North and Northwest, driven by rising Boko Haram threats.

2018 Presidential Election – Violence in Anglophone Regions

By October 2018, the country was in a state of internal conflict due to the Anglophone Crisis. This severely undermined electoral credibility:

Insecurity prevented voting in several towns in Northwest and Southwest regions.

Armed separatists threatened voters, leading to near-zero turnout in many areas.

Allegations of fraud, ballot box theft, and inflated figures were widespread.

President Biya secured 71% of the vote amid calls for election cancellation from opposition leader Maurice Kamto.

Annulled, Delayed, or Boycotted Elections in Cameroon (1900–2025)

From overt manipulation during the one-party era to more subtle forms of electoral fraud and disenfranchisement under multiparty democracy, Cameroon’s electoral process has often lacked legitimacy. Repeated boycotts, irregularities, violence, and annulments have severely undermined public trust in democratic institutions. The government’s reluctance to implement genuine electoral reforms and the unresolved Anglophone crisis suggest that elections will remain contentious unless a robust and independent electoral framework is established.

Cameroon’s Electoral Democracy and Reform Trajectory (1900–2025)

From a colonial administrative state to a centralised post-independence republic, Cameroon’s journey in electoral democracy between 1900 and 2025 has been marked by limited pluralism, entrenched presidential rule, and a pattern of electoral backsliding rather than democratic consolidation. Though constitutional reforms were introduced at key junctures, the overarching trend has been a top-down system of governance with heavily controlled elections and suppressed dissent.

Colonial Foundations and Electoral Inertia (1900–1960)

Cameroon’s early political structure was defined by external governance. Initially colonised by Germany (1884–1916), then divided between France and Britain under League of Nations mandates, there was virtually no local democratic practice in the first half of the 20th century. Political participation for Cameroonians was non-existent or severely limited under colonial rule.

During the French trusteeship, limited forms of indirect representation began emerging in the 1940s, especially with the establishment of the Representative Assembly of Cameroon (ARCAM) in 1946. Yet these elections were racially segregated and heavily supervised by colonial authorities. For British Cameroons, administered via Nigeria, participation was often linked to Nigerian legislative systems, with marginal autonomy.

Independence and Early Post-Colonial Rule (1960–1972)

Cameroon gained independence from France in 1960 and reunified with British Southern Cameroons in 1961. Ahmadou Ahidjo, the first president, implemented a centralised form of governance under the Cameroon Union (UC) party. Although elections were held, they were tightly managed. By 1966, Cameroon had become a de facto one-party state when the UC merged with other parties to form the Cameroon National Union (CNU).

The 1960s and early 1970s saw no genuine electoral competition. Presidential and legislative elections were held, but only with CNU candidates on the ballot. A 1972 referendum abolished the federal structure and replaced it with a unitary state—signalling further centralisation of power.

Single-Party Entrenchment to Multi-Party Reintroduction (1972–1990)

From 1972 until the end of the 1980s, Cameroon remained under single-party rule, first under Ahidjo and then Paul Biya, who succeeded him in 1982. Elections during this period were ritualistic, characterised by near-total state control and predetermined outcomes. In 1985, Biya renamed the ruling party the Cameroon People's Democratic Movement (CPDM), continuing authoritarian governance under a new banner.

It wasn’t until the global wave of democratisation in the early 1990s that Cameroon faced significant internal and external pressure to reform. The country adopted Law No. 90/056, which formally reinstated multi-party politics in December 1990. This was a pivotal moment for electoral democracy.

1990s Reforms and Democratic Disillusionment

While multi-party elections resumed in 1992, the transition was marred by accusations of fraud, violence, and suppression. The 1992 presidential election saw opposition leader John Fru Ndi of the Social Democratic Front (SDF) nearly defeat Biya, but allegations of widespread irregularities stained the process. Observers criticised the lack of transparency and judicial independence.

Further elections in the 1990s – parliamentary (1997), municipal (1996, 2002) – were similarly criticised. Though reforms such as the creation of the National Elections Observatory (NEO) in 2000 and later Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) in 2006 appeared promising, these bodies lacked true independence.

Democratic Backsliding and Constitutional Manipulations (2000–2025)

Instead of deepening democracy, Cameroon experienced significant backsliding:

2008 Constitutional Amendment: Parliament, dominated by the CPDM, abolished presidential term limits. This allowed Biya to run indefinitely, sparking nationwide protests and violent crackdowns.

2011 and 2018 Elections: Marked by low turnout, limited competition, and a strong military presence in Anglophone regions. Both elections reaffirmed Biya’s presidency, extending his rule beyond 35 years.

Anglophone Crisis: Since 2016, political unrest in the Northwest and Southwest regions has led to displacement, voter suppression, and deteriorating civil rights. Election observers and media have reported widespread violence and intimidation in these areas, essentially disenfranchising a portion of the population.

2020 Local and Regional Elections: These were heralded as steps towards decentralisation, but the absence of key opposition parties and ongoing conflict led to questions about their legitimacy.

Democracy Index Trends

Cameroon’s scores on global democracy rankings have reflected this trajectory:

Freedom House (2024): Cameroon rated “Not Free” with poor scores in electoral process, political pluralism, and civil liberties.

Economist Intelligence Unit Democracy Index: Typically placed Cameroon in the “Authoritarian Regime” category, with electoral process and pluralism consistently among the lowest scoring areas.

BTI (Bertelsmann Transformation Index): Identifies Cameroon as a defective democracy with significant structural limitations to electoral and democratic governance.

A Democracy in Form, Not in Substance

From 1900 to 2025, Cameroon’s path towards electoral democracy has been uneven at best, and regressive at worst. While it formally adopted a multi-party system in 1990, the actual democratic space has remained tightly restricted. Constitutional reforms have often served to consolidate executive power rather than expand civic freedom.

Unless meaningful electoral reforms, independent oversight mechanisms, and a resolution to regional conflicts are introduced, Cameroon risks remaining a procedural democracy—a system that mimics democratic norms without embodying them.

Major Electoral Reforms in Cameroon from 1900 to 2025

Cameroon’s electoral journey from colonial rule to its post-independence political evolution has been marked by a series of reforms—some transformative, others cosmetic. Between 1900 and 2025, the country has experienced a range of legal, institutional, and procedural changes intended to structure its electoral landscape. However, the effectiveness and sincerity of these reforms have remained a matter of political contention.

Colonial Period Electoral Structures (1900–1960)

During the German (until 1916) and later French and British colonial administrations, Cameroon had no unified electoral process. The few elections conducted—mainly for advisory bodies like the Representative Assembly of Cameroon (ARCAM)—were highly restricted and based on property or status-based suffrage.

A key reform came in 1946 when the French administration introduced a dual college electoral system under the French Union. One college represented French citizens and the other indigenous populations, effectively institutionalising inequality in representation.

Independence and One-Party Rule (1960–1990)

Following independence in 1960 (French Cameroon) and reunification with British Southern Cameroons in 1961, the newly formed Republic of Cameroon adopted a centralised presidential system. Electoral reform under President Ahmadou Ahidjo focused on consolidating power rather than fostering competition.

In 1966, all parties were merged into the single-party Cameroon National Union (CNU). Elections during this era were one-party contests, with candidates pre-selected by the regime. The reforms during this period largely suppressed pluralism, though voting mechanisms such as secret ballots and universal suffrage were formally introduced.

Reintroduction of Multiparty Politics (1990–1992)

Perhaps the most significant electoral reform occurred in 1990, under domestic pressure and international scrutiny following the end of the Cold War. President Paul Biya legalised multiparty politics through Law No. 90/056, repealing the 1966 one-party legislation.

This ushered in:

The formation of multiple opposition parties (e.g., SDF, UNDP, CDU),

The first multiparty legislative elections in 1992, and

A new wave of political activism and contestation.

Creation of Electoral Administration Bodies (2000s)

In response to criticism over the government's control of the electoral process, Cameroon took key institutional steps:

2000: The National Elections Observatory (NEO) was created to monitor elections but lacked full independence.

2006: The more autonomous Elections Cameroon (ELECAM) was established via Law No. 2006/011. Though hailed as a positive move, its independence was questioned due to the appointment of members by the president.

Reforms also addressed:

Voter registration procedures (biometric registration was introduced in 2011),

The use of transparent ballot boxes,

National voter identification cards.

Constitutional Amendments and Term Limits

In 2008, a controversial constitutional reform eliminated presidential term limits—previously set at two 7-year terms. This allowed President Biya to stand for re-election indefinitely, sparking widespread protests and allegations of democratic backsliding.

Recent Electoral Adjustments (2018–2025)

The 2018 presidential election highlighted persistent flaws in the system, such as:

Delays in vote tabulation,

Restrictions on media and opposition mobilisation,

Internet blackouts in restive Anglophone regions.

Minor reforms in 2020–2021 included:

Enhancements to biometric systems for registration,

Attempts to decentralise aspects of electoral logistics,

Increased but largely symbolic consultation with civil society.

There were also calls—domestic and international—for a complete overhaul of ELECAM and the electoral code, but substantive reforms remained stalled.

Reform with Resistance

From colonial restrictions to post-independence monopolisation and tentative multiparty liberalisation, electoral reform in Cameroon has been incremental and politically selective. While the establishment of ELECAM and multiparty politics represent landmark shifts, true democratic consolidation remains hindered by executive dominance, legal manipulation, and flawed implementation.

Between 1900 and 2025, Cameroon's electoral reform story is one of half-measures—often more reactive than visionary. The next chapter will depend not only on legislative reform but also on political will and civic empowerment.

Cameroon’s electoral evolution from 1900 to 2025 reflects a complex interplay of colonial imposition, centralised nationalism, and selective democratisation. Although there has only been one Cameroon, its governance shifted significantly over time—from German colonialism, to French and British trusteeship, post-independence authoritarianism, and, eventually, controlled multi-partyism. In comparing Cameroon’s own systems across eras, we must assess which period offered greater democratic substance—not simply by legal form, but in actual political practice.

Colonial Era (1900–1960): Pretense of Representation

Under German Rule (1900–1916)

Electoral System: None.

Representation: Indigenous populations were entirely excluded. The German colonial administration operated through appointed governors and traditional rulers.

Democratic Value: Zero. No political participation or voting rights for locals.

Under French & British Mandates (1916–1960)

Electoral System:

French Cameroun introduced dual-college majoritarian voting in the 1940s.

British Cameroons had indirect elections through native authorities.

Representation: Severely limited. French citizens had more voting power; Africans were marginalised.

Democratic Value: Tokenistic. While the formal structure resembled democracy, it institutionalised inequality.

The colonial period provided minimal democratic substance. Voting was racially segregated and largely symbolic.

Post-Independence One-Party Era (1960–1990): Institutionalised Authoritarianism

System: First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) and single-party list voting.

Elections: Held regularly but lacked competition.

Presidency: Dominated by a single leader—Ahmadou Ahidjo, later Paul Biya.

Opposition: Banned from 1966; CPDM became the sole legal party.

Democratic Value: Procedural but not substantive. Elections existed on paper, but real political choice was absent.

Political participation was choreographed. Voters could endorse, not choose.

Controlled Multi-Party Era (1990–2025): Illiberal Electoralism

System:

Presidential Elections: Simple majority in a single round.

Parliamentary Elections: Mixed-member majoritarian—FPTP in some districts; block vote in others (still majoritarian).

Senate: Mostly indirectly elected by municipal councillors; some members appointed by the President.

Opposition Parties: Legalised but disadvantaged through media control, gerrymandering, and institutional bias.

Electoral Commission: ELECAM, established in 2006, remains heavily influenced by the executive.

Turnout: Often below 60%, with claims of fraud and low trust in outcomes.

Democratic Value: Superficial pluralism. The system allows opposition, but not real alternation of power.

Conclusion: While multi-party elections exist, the rules are rigged. Dominance of the CPDM and incumbent advantage undermine democratic fairness.

Which System Was More Democratic?

Final Assessment

If one must choose the “more democratic” phase of Cameroon’s electoral history, the period from 1990 to 2025 stands out—not because it is democratic in substance, but because it at least includes legal political pluralism and voter participation. However, this era is best characterised as an illiberal democracy or competitive authoritarianism—where the forms of democracy exist, but its principles are not fully respected.

Cameroon’s case illustrates that having elections is not the same as being democratic. The real test lies in the fairness of competition, the independence of institutions, and the possibility of genuine political change—areas where Cameroon has consistently fallen short.

Sources:

Constitution of Cameroon (1972, amended 2008)

Electoral Code (2012)

Reports by Freedom House, Afrobarometer, and IFES

Academic analysis: Takougang & Krieger (1998), “African State and Society in the 1990s”

International Crisis Group: Cameroon Reports

First Democratic Elections in the 20th Century: Countries and Electoral Systems

The 20th century marked a seismic shift in global governance as colonial empires receded, totalitarian regimes fell, and nations embraced the principles of electoral democracy. This period witnessed an unprecedented wave of first-time democratic elections, each shaped by regional histories, foreign influence, and internal pressures. Below is a curated examination of selected countries that held their first democratic elections during the 20th century, along with the electoral systems they adopted.

India (1951–52)

System: First-Past-the-Post (FPTP)
After gaining independence from Britain in 1947, India held its first general election in 1951–52. With universal adult suffrage, it was then the largest democratic election in world history. The country adopted the British-style FPTP system, electing members to the Lok Sabha (lower house of parliament).

Germany (1919 – Weimar Republic)

System: Proportional Representation (PR)
Following the abdication of the Kaiser after World War I, Germany held its first democratic national election in 1919 for the Weimar National Assembly. The system adopted was proportional representation, aiming for fairness in a politically fractured society.

Japan (1946)

System: Multi-member districts under Limited Vote
After World War II, under Allied occupation, Japan adopted a new constitution and conducted its first post-war democratic election in 1946. Women voted for the first time, and the country began transitioning from militarist rule to parliamentary democracy.

Nigeria (1959)

System: First-Past-the-Post (British Colonial Model)
On the eve of independence in 1960, Nigeria held its first nationwide elections under British supervision. The system mirrored Westminster FPTP principles, electing representatives to a federal House of Representatives.

South Korea (1948)

System: Two-Round System (for President); FPTP for Legislature
Following liberation from Japanese colonial rule, South Korea established the Republic of Korea in 1948. The first elections introduced a hybrid system with direct legislative elections and an indirectly elected president, which evolved into a two-round system for the presidency in subsequent decades.

 Ghana (1951)

System: First-Past-the-Post
One of the first African countries to hold democratic elections under decolonisation, Ghana’s 1951 election was conducted while still under British colonial rule but marked a transition to self-governance. Kwame Nkrumah's CPP won a majority.

Israel (1949)

System: Nationwide Proportional Representation
Following independence in 1948, Israel held its first Knesset elections in 1949 under a pure PR system with a single national constituency—allowing for broad ideological representation.

Indonesia (1955)

System: Proportional Representation (Open List)
Indonesia’s 1955 election was the first and only truly democratic one before decades of authoritarian rule under Sukarno and Suharto. The PR system aimed to reflect the archipelago’s diverse political spectrum.

Spain (1977)

System: Proportional Representation (D’Hondt Method)
After Franco’s dictatorship, Spain returned to democracy in 1977. The country adopted PR with closed party lists using the D’Hondt method, balancing governability with pluralism.

Kenya (1963)

System: FPTP
As Kenya moved toward independence from British rule, it held its first general elections under a parliamentary system based on FPTP. The Kenya African National Union (KANU) emerged victorious.

Portugal (1975)

System: Proportional Representation (Party Lists)
After the 1974 Carnation Revolution ended decades of dictatorship, Portugal held its first democratic election for a Constituent Assembly in 1975 using PR, reflecting a desire for inclusivity and stability.

South Africa (1994)

System: Proportional Representation (National and Provincial Lists)
Perhaps the most symbolically powerful democratic election of the 20th century, South Africa’s 1994 vote marked the end of apartheid. A list-based PR system was used to ensure broad representation of racial and political groups in the new National Assembly.

Argentina (1916)

System: Universal Male Suffrage with Secret Ballot (Sáenz Peña Law)
Under the Sáenz Peña Law, Argentina transitioned toward democracy with the 1916 election, ensuring secret ballots and universal male suffrage. It marked the beginning of mass electoral politics in Latin America.

One Century, Many Pathways to Democracy

Throughout the 20th century, the first democratic elections in many nations reflected a mix of inherited colonial structures, revolutionary change, and pragmatic choices based on social divisions. The chosen electoral systems—FPTP, proportional representation, or hybrid forms—were crucial in shaping each country’s political development. While democracy took root unevenly, these foundational elections marked irreversible steps toward accountable governance and participatory politics across continents.

Timeline of Major Elections and Political Turning Points in Cameroon (1900–2025)

From colonial subjugation to decades-long presidential dominance, Cameroon’s electoral history reflects a trajectory of limited liberalisation, entrenched executive rule, and periods of political unrest. Below is a chronological timeline capturing the major electoral events, constitutional changes, and political turning points from 1900 to 2025.

Colonial Period and Limited Representation (1900–1960)

1900–1916 – German Colonial Rule: No elections or political participation. Cameroon was administered as a German protectorate with purely colonial governance.

1916–1946 – French and British Mandate Period: Following Germany’s defeat in WWI, Cameroon was split between France (East) and Britain (West). Political representation remained tightly restricted under colonial administration.

1946 – First Limited Legislative Elections (French Cameroon): Establishment of the Representative Assembly of Cameroon (ARCAM). Elections were segregated and restricted to elite participation, mainly French settlers and a few local notables.

1952 & 1956 – Territorial Assembly Elections: Introduced under French supervision, allowing limited African participation. Significant for the rise of political leaders like Ahmadou Ahidjo.

1957 – First Government of French Cameroon: Ahidjo appointed as Prime Minister under increasing autonomy.

1959 – Pre-Independence Legislative Election: The Cameroon Union (UC), led by Ahidjo, won the majority, paving the way for independence.

Post-Independence and One-Party Rule (1960–1990)

1960 (11 April) – First Presidential Election (French Cameroon): Ahmadou Ahidjo elected as President. This marked the formal beginning of post-independence governance, though under a one-party framework.

1961 – UN-organised Plebiscite in British Cameroons: Southern Cameroons voted to join French Cameroon, leading to the formation of the Federal Republic of Cameroon.

1965 – Presidential Election (One-Party): Ahidjo re-elected unopposed under the Cameroon National Union (CNU).

1970 – Legislative Election: One-party elections continued; CNU candidates filled all seats.

1972 – Constitutional Referendum: Abolished federalism and introduced a unitary state, consolidating central power in Yaoundé.

1975 & 1980 – Presidential Elections: Ahidjo re-elected unopposed; electoral process remained ceremonial.

1982 – Ahidjo Resigns: Paul Biya assumes the presidency. Although constitutionally permitted, the handover raised suspicions of intra-party manoeuvring.

1983 & 1984 – Biya Consolidates Power: Following a failed coup attempt, Biya eliminates the federal structure and suppresses internal dissent.

Return to Multi-Party Politics and Electoral Tensions (1990–2000)

1990 – Law on Political Pluralism Passed: Multi-party system officially reintroduced after domestic and international pressure.

1992 (October) – First Multi-Party Presidential Election: Biya narrowly defeats John Fru Ndi (SDF). Allegations of massive electoral fraud prompt widespread unrest and international criticism.

1997 – Legislative and Presidential Elections: Marked by opposition boycotts and irregularities. CPDM retained dominance.

2000 – National Elections Observatory (NEO) Created: Intended to oversee elections, but its independence was widely questioned.

Democratic Regression and Crisis (2001–2025)

2004 – Presidential Election: Biya re-elected amid continued claims of electoral manipulation. Some opposition participation but little change in outcome.

2006 – Creation of Elections Cameroon (ELECAM): A more autonomous electoral body established to replace NEO. However, many members were CPDM loyalists.

2008 – Constitutional Amendment: Presidential term limits abolished, enabling Biya to run indefinitely. Triggered riots, leading to dozens of deaths.

2011 – Presidential Election: Biya re-elected with over 75% of the vote in a low-turnout contest. Criticised by the opposition and international observers.

2013 – Senate Elections Held for First Time: A delayed constitutional promise fulfilled. Yet, indirect voting and party dominance limited real competition.

2016–Present – Anglophone Crisis: Protests over marginalisation escalated into an armed conflict in Northwest and Southwest regions. Election administration severely disrupted in these areas.

2018 – Presidential Election: Biya re-elected for a seventh term at age 85. Major opposition leaders like Maurice Kamto challenged the results and faced arrest.

2020 – Municipal and Regional Elections: Marked by boycotts and poor turnout in Anglophone zones. First regional councils elected, aiming for decentralisation.

2025 (Scheduled) – Presidential Election Anticipated: Speculation surrounds Biya’s potential candidacy at age 92, and whether a transition or succession plan will emerge from within the ruling party.

Cameroon’s electoral timeline shows a nation where democratic structures have been repeatedly introduced, modified, and often co-opted by a dominant ruling elite. Despite reintroducing multi-party competition in 1990, the overall trend has been one of controlled elections, constitutional manipulation, and suppressed dissent, particularly in times of potential political transition.

Major Global and Domestic Electoral Events That Reshaped Democracy in Cameroon (1900–2025)

Cameroon’s democratic evolution from colonial subjugation to flawed multiparty governance has been significantly shaped by global political currents, internal crises, and pivotal reforms. Between 1900 and 2025, the country's democratic trajectory has been marked by revolutions abroad, regional unrest, constitutional engineering, and authoritarian resilience.

Below is a timeline of key global and national electoral events that altered or influenced the nature of democracy in Cameroon:

1900s–1950s: Colonial Control and Early Political Awakening

Global Context – Anti-Colonial Movements: Post-World War II decolonisation efforts across Africa, influenced by the UN Charter (1945) and the Atlantic Charter (1941), inspired political mobilisation in Cameroon.

1946–1957: Rise of Nationalism in French and British Cameroons
The Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC), formed in 1948, demanded independence and democratic reforms. Its ban by the French in 1955 triggered violent uprisings and repression, foreshadowing Cameroon’s complex relationship with democracy.

1960–1972: Independence, Unification & Authoritarianism

1960: Independence of French Cameroon
Cameroon gained independence under President Ahmadou Ahidjo, but elections remained tightly controlled.

1961: Reunification Referendum
British-administered Southern Cameroons voted to join the Republic of Cameroon, shaping a bilingual, bicultural state. However, calls for federal autonomy later became a source of tension.

1972: Referendum to Abolish Federalism
The United Republic of Cameroon replaced the federal structure through a controversial referendum. The centralisation of power undermined regional representation and set back pluralist democracy.

1982–1990: Transition of Power and One-Party Entrenchment

1982: Peaceful Transition to Paul Biya
President Ahidjo handed over power to Paul Biya, a rare case of non-violent succession in postcolonial Africa. However, the CPDM (Cameroon People's Democratic Movement) remained dominant.

1984: Failed Coup Attempt
A coup by elements loyal to Ahidjo highlighted instability. In its aftermath, Biya strengthened autocratic control, rolling back political freedoms.

1990–1996: Multiparty Reforms and Regional Pressures

1990: Legalisation of Opposition Parties
Amidst global democratic waves (e.g., fall of the Berlin Wall), Biya legalised multiparty politics under pressure from Western donors and local opposition.

1992: First Multiparty Presidential Election
Marked by widespread fraud and violence, it revealed both the potential and fragility of Cameroonian democracy.

1996: Constitutional Reforms
Cameroon introduced decentralisation and a bicameral legislature, but implementation was slow and often symbolic.

2000–2010: Democratic Backsliding and Power Consolidation

2004: International Observers Raise Alarms
Global watchdogs, including the Commonwealth, criticised the 2004 elections as non-transparent, signalling declining democratic standards.

2008: Constitutional Amendment Removes Presidential Term Limits
Amid protests and repression, the ruling party removed term limits—effectively allowing Biya to rule indefinitely. This drew widespread international condemnation, notably from the EU and US.

2016–2025: Anglophone Crisis, Conflict, and Electoral Fragility

2016–Present: Anglophone Crisis
Rooted in historical marginalisation, anglophone lawyers and teachers launched peaceful protests, later escalating into a violent separatist movement. Elections in these regions have since been marked by boycotts, threats, and low turnout.

2018: Disputed Presidential Election
Maurice Kamto of the MRC declared victory before official results announced a Biya win with 71%. Protests were violently suppressed, and Kamto was arrested. The African Union and international observers expressed concern over democratic decline.

2020: Legislative Boycott
Major opposition parties, including the SDF, boycotted elections, citing insecurity and poor electoral conditions. This diminished pluralism in parliament.

2025 (Projected): Calls for Electoral Reform Continue
As Cameroon approaches further elections, domestic civil society groups and international partners continue to push for independent electoral bodies, credible voter rolls, and conflict resolution in the Anglophone regions.

Cameroon’s democratic journey from 1900 to 2025 reveals a nation heavily shaped by both global democratic tides and internal authoritarian inertia. While the winds of change—anti-colonialism, post-Cold War democratisation, and international electoral norms—have blown through its institutions, entrenched political elites have largely resisted full democratic transition. Until deep structural reforms are undertaken, including meaningful decentralisation, judicial independence, and electoral transparency, democracy in Cameroon will remain elusive and contested.

Certainly! Here is a CSV-style table summarising the general elections in Cameroon from 1900 to 2025, with the columns: Cameroon, Year, System, Ruling Party, Turnout, and Major Issue. Following the table is a brief article in British English suitable for electionanalyst.com.

CSV-style Table: General Elections in Cameroon (1900–2025)

General Elections in Cameroon (1900–2025) — A Historical Overview

Cameroon’s political landscape has undergone significant transformations from the colonial era through independence and into the modern multi-party system. The country’s first major general election after independence was held in 1960 under a parliamentary system, dominated by the Cameroonian Union (UC), with voter turnout around 65%. This period focused largely on nation-building and consolidating independence.

By 1970, Cameroon had shifted towards a one-party state under the Cameroon National Union (CNU), later renamed the Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM). Elections during this era, including the 1983 presidential vote, saw high turnout figures—around 75-80%—although political competition was effectively non-existent.

The 1990s marked a critical turning point with the introduction of multi-party democracy. The 1992 election was the first multi-party contest, with the CPDM maintaining power amidst challenges from opposition groups. Turnout fluctuated between 60% and 70%, but these elections were marred by allegations of irregularities and violence, undermining confidence in the electoral process.

In the 2000s and 2010s, the CPDM continued to dominate Cameroon's elections, though turnout saw a gradual decline. The 2018 elections were especially notable due to the ongoing Anglophone crisis, which severely impacted voter participation and raised serious questions about the legitimacy and fairness of the process.

Looking ahead, the 2025 elections are expected to be held in a tense political environment as Cameroon attempts to stabilise after years of unrest. Electoral reforms and efforts to ensure greater transparency may influence turnout and political dynamics. The ruling CPDM remains the dominant force, but pressure from opposition groups and civil society continues to grow.

Overall, Cameroon’s electoral history reflects a journey from colonial and one-party rule towards a fragile, yet evolving, multi-party democracy challenged by internal conflicts and calls for political reform.

Global Electoral Trends by Decade (1900–2025)

1900s
The early 20th century was marked by limited suffrage, with most democracies restricting voting rights by gender, race, or property ownership. Electoral systems were often rudimentary, and monarchies or empires dominated much of the political landscape. However, the seeds of democratic reform were sown, with movements pushing for universal male suffrage and parliamentary representation.

1910s
The First World War and its aftermath triggered significant political change. The collapse of empires (Austro-Hungarian, Ottoman, Russian) created opportunities for new nation-states and introduced more democratic constitutions. Women’s suffrage expanded notably in several countries, including the UK and the US. However, the Russian Revolution established a one-party authoritarian regime, signalling early authoritarian rollbacks.

1920s
The post-war decade saw a wave of democratization in Europe and Latin America, with the establishment of new electoral laws and proportional representation systems enhancing inclusivity. Many countries introduced secret ballots and improved voter registration. Yet, authoritarianism gained ground in some regions, with Italy under Mussolini pioneering fascist dictatorship.

1930s
The Great Depression exacerbated political instability. Authoritarian regimes consolidated power in Germany, Spain, Japan, and elsewhere, suspending democratic processes. Electoral fraud and suppression became tools to entrench these regimes. Despite setbacks, some democracies strengthened electoral institutions to withstand extremist pressures.

1940s
World War II disrupted global politics profoundly. Post-war reconstruction fostered a renewed commitment to democracy, especially in Western Europe and Japan, often under Allied supervision. The establishment of the United Nations encouraged universal suffrage and human rights. However, Eastern Europe fell under Soviet influence, introducing authoritarian one-party systems.

1950s
Decolonisation began to reshape global electoral landscapes. Newly independent states in Asia and Africa embarked on creating democratic constitutions and electoral frameworks, though many struggled with political instability. Electoral innovations included independent electoral commissions to enhance fairness. Meanwhile, Cold War dynamics led to authoritarian client states supported by superpowers.

1960s
Democratization accelerated in many post-colonial nations, with universal suffrage becoming the norm. Electoral technology remained basic, but mass media started influencing campaigns. However, military coups and authoritarian takeovers surged in Latin America, Africa, and parts of Asia, often curtailing electoral freedoms.

1970s
The decade saw mixed trends. In Latin America, widespread authoritarian regimes employed rigged elections to maintain power. In contrast, parts of Southern Europe, such as Spain and Portugal, transitioned to democracy. Electoral reforms introduced measures like voter education and improved voter rolls. International bodies began monitoring elections.

1980s
Marked by a global wave of democratization dubbed the “Third Wave,” numerous authoritarian regimes collapsed in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and parts of Asia. Electoral pluralism and multi-party systems expanded. Advances in election monitoring and voter registration technology improved electoral integrity. Yet, some countries resorted to manipulated elections to disguise authoritarianism.

1990s
Post-Cold War optimism spurred widespread adoption of democratic elections, especially in Eastern Europe, Africa, and Asia. International organisations frequently oversaw elections to ensure fairness. Electoral innovations included computerised voter lists and early electronic voting experiments. Nonetheless, ethnic conflicts and weak institutions caused electoral violence and fraud in some states.

2000s
The new millennium saw growing use of digital technology in electoral processes, including biometric voter identification and electronic results transmission. Democracies faced challenges from populism and disinformation campaigns. Authoritarian regimes increasingly used “managed elections” combining formal electoral processes with manipulation and repression to maintain control.

2010s
Social media profoundly affected electoral dynamics, amplifying political participation but also misinformation. Electoral transparency efforts increased, with open data and international observers becoming standard. However, democratic backsliding appeared in established democracies, alongside authoritarian consolidation in parts of Asia, Africa, and Eastern Europe through restrictive electoral laws and control over media.

2020s (to 2025)
The decade has been shaped by electoral disruptions due to the COVID-19 pandemic, leading to expanded mail-in voting and online campaigning. Hybrid regimes persist, blending electoral legitimacy with authoritarian control. Cybersecurity threats and disinformation remain critical challenges. Nonetheless, global civil society and technology continue to push for more inclusive and transparent elections.

Got it! For more humanised, analytical, and narrative outputs, you can add instructions that specify the tone, perspective, and style you want. Here are examples of how to phrase those commands for different effects, in British English and suitable for electionanalyst.com:

Examples of Humanised Command Prompts

Analytical, explanatory tone:
“Write like a political analyst explaining why the 2006 election in Cameroon was controversial.”

Journalistic, concise narrative:
“Summarise the 1900 Eastern European elections in a journalistic tone.”

Historical narrative with contextual insight:
“Provide a narrative analysis of the 1930s German elections, highlighting the rise of authoritarianism.”

Comparative political analysis:
“Analyse the differences between electoral reforms in South America during the 1980s and 1990s.”

Critical commentary:
“Critically assess the impact of digital disinformation on the 2016 US presidential election.”

Explaining electoral innovations:
“Explain how biometric voter identification transformed elections in Kenya in the 2010s, in a clear and accessible style.”

Descriptive with human interest angle:
“Describe the challenges faced by women voters in Pakistan’s 2008 elections, focusing on social and cultural barriers.”

Tips for Your Commands

Specify the tone (analytical, journalistic, critical, narrative, explanatory).

Specify the focus (cause, impact, comparison, historical context).

Indicate the audience if relevant (general public, political experts, students).

Mention style preferences (British English, formal, accessible).

Request inclusion of examples, quotes, or statistics if desired.

Example 1:

Write like a political analyst explaining why the 2006 election in Cameroon was controversial

The 2006 general election in Cameroon remains a highly contentious episode in the nation’s democratic journey. At its core, the controversy stemmed from widespread allegations of electoral malpractice, ranging from voter intimidation to outright fraud. Observers and opposition parties reported significant irregularities, including inflated voter rolls and manipulation of ballot counts, which severely undermined the legitimacy of the electoral outcome.

Furthermore, the ruling Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement (CPDM), led by President Paul Biya, retained power in a political climate marked by repression of dissent and restricted media freedom. The opposition, fragmented and often marginalised, struggled to present a unified front, diminishing their capacity to challenge the entrenched ruling party effectively.

The election also unfolded against a backdrop of growing political unrest and public dissatisfaction with governance and economic inequality. The government’s failure to address these issues amplified tensions and led many Cameroonians to question the fairness of the political process. International observers criticised the election for lacking transparency and failing to meet democratic standards, casting a shadow over Cameroon’s commitment to genuine political reform.

In sum, the 2006 election illustrated the challenges facing Cameroon’s democracy: the dominance of a single party, weak institutions, and an electoral environment prone to manipulation. It underscored the urgent need for reforms to restore public trust and foster a more inclusive political landscape.

Example 2:

Summarise the 1900 Eastern European elections in a journalistic tone

The early 20th century elections across Eastern Europe in 1900 were emblematic of a region grappling with the complexities of imperial rule, nationalism, and emerging democratic ideals. While formal electoral processes existed, suffrage was often limited, and political power largely remained in the hands of aristocrats and imperial authorities.

In many territories, elections served more as symbolic gestures than genuine expressions of popular will. Political participation was constrained by restrictive laws, and widespread disenfranchisement was common, particularly among peasants and minority groups. Nationalist movements began to take root, sowing the seeds for political mobilisation that would come to dominate the region’s 20th-century history.

Despite these limitations, the 1900 elections laid early groundwork for political awareness and debate, marking a slow but pivotal shift toward modern governance. Journalists and political commentators of the era noted a rising tension between traditional imperial structures and the growing demand for representation, foreshadowing the profound upheavals that would shape Eastern Europe in the decades to follow.

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